CUPE Ontario delegates support campaign against Israeli "apartheid wall"
(May 30, 2006) - DELEGATES to the CUPE Ontario convention in Ottawa voted unanimously to support the international campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel until that state recognizes the Palestinian right to self-determination.
The global campaign started last July and has been supported by many North American churches, 20 Quebec organizations, and others. The Israeli "apartheid wall" has been declared illegal by the International Court of Justice.
The resolution approved by delegates states:
CUPE Ontario will:
1. With Palestine solidarity and human rights organization, develop an education campaign about the apartheid nature of the Israeli state and the political and economic support of Canada for these practices.
* The Israeli Apartheid Wall has been condemned and determined illegal under international law.
Significance of the CUPE resolutionON CFRO Wake Up With Co-op, on Wednesday 31 May 2006, Gary Zatzman, one of the editors of the Dossier on Palestine publishd by Shunpiking magazine, in an interview with program host Charles Boylan, pointed out:
"This resolution was approved by a majority of a 900-delegate provincial CUPE convention in the single largest provincial component of the CUPE federation. It reflects the best sentiments of the entire Canadian people. It is not 'anti-Jewish'. It is anti-Harper and it is anti-imperialist.
"It is anti-Harper because it moves completely away from the trend the government has been trying to set of isolating Hamas while excusing ongoing Israeli state terrorist activities against the Palestinians.
"The emergence of such resolutions in the Canadian labour movement shows the working people are connecting the defence of their rights with rejecting Zionist colonial subjugation of the Palestinians as part and parcel of rejecting the overall subjugation of peoples in Haiti and Iraq, for example, by imperial powers' policies of invasion and occupation.
"This is in the same tradition and direction as what the Steelworkers Local 1005 was doing participating in the thick of the defence of the Six Nations' land rights at Caledonia, Ontario for the last nearly three months.
"It follows by days the resolution by the British teachers' union, NATFHE, to have a political boycott of Israeli academics, academic institutions and academic journals. This was a huge victory that Zionist bigwigs are trying to launch a lawsuit to stop being put into effect.
"The British boycott is political. It proposes that Israeli academics, institutions and journals that issue public statements condemning the Israeli army's Occupation of Palestine will be publicly applauded and worked with. On the other hand, those that refuse to denounce the Occupation will be publicly exposed and opposed.
"This is not a boycott designed to make the boycotter feel good, as in when someone doesn't buy certain grapes or lettuce. It's not based on illusions of crippling the Israeli behemoth by means of outside pressure. On the contrary, it is intended to support an actual ongoing struggle. It explicitly supports the struggle by the Palestinians and others to isolate the Zionists in public opinion for their anti-people colonising and other oppressive activities. It brings a long-overdue pressure once and for all on all those who should know better than to remain silent about, or otherwise complicit in, such activity."
Canada-Palestine Association's letter of support and appreciation to CUPE Ontario
Canada Palestine Association, P.O.Box, 1085, Halifax, NS, B3J 2X1
Canadian Union Of Public Employees takes important step against Israeli apartheid
By ADAM HANIEH*
Resolution 50 is a vital step for both Palestinian rights and the North American labor movement. CUPE Ontario is the largest public sector union in Ontario and represents over 200,000 workers in the most highly populated province of Canada. The resolution represents the most powerful statement in support of Palestinian rights ever made by a North American trade union.
Two days after Resolution 50 was adopted, another boycott resolution was passed by the largest union of university teachers in Britain, the National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education (NATFHE). NATFHE, representing around 70,000 members, declared its active support of boycotts against Israeli academics and academic institutions that do not publicly take an explicit stand against Israeli apartheid and Israel's discriminatory educational system.
These two resolutions represent the latest in a snowballing movement to isolate Israeli apartheid in the manner of South African apartheid. A long list of institutions, city councils, religious organizations, political parties and unions have endorsed the call for boycott, divestment and sanctions. Two weeks ago, the Green Party of the United States issued a powerful policy statement that supported "divestment from and boycott of the State of Israel until such time as the full individual and collective rights of the Palestinian people are realized." In February 2006, the Church of England's general synod-including the Archbishop of Canterbury-voted to disinvest church funds from companies profiting from the Israeli occupation. On 16 December 2005, the regional council of the Sor-Trondelag in Norway passed a motion calling for a comprehensive boycott on Israeli goods to be followed up with an awareness raising campaign across the region. Sor-Trondelag was the first Norwegian county to boycott South Africa and is now the first to boycott Israeli apartheid.
This growing movement has provoked a widespread crisis within the Zionist movement. The Israeli press is full of stories, editorial comment and debate about the boycott, divestment, sanctions campaign. No other international solidarity effort has so dominated the Israeli debate. Underlying most of this commentary is a deep fear that the identification of Israel with apartheid is reaching a critical mass within popular consciousness world-wide. The response of the Zionist movement has been strikingly incompetent and reflects their inability to deal with the charge of apartheid.
Take for instance the Canadian Jewish Congress's (CJC) "action alert" against the CUPE Ontario decision. The alert raises three questions that the CJC urges its supporters to raise with CUPE Ontario leaders:
* Last summer, Israel withdrew its settlements from Gaza and the northern West Bank. A new Israeli government has just been elected on a platform of continuing this disengagement process. Why would CUPE Ontario call for a boycott that will punish Israelis just as these important steps are being taken?
* The Palestinian election of a Hamas-dominated government that supports terrorism and is committed to the destruction of Israel has led to an economic crisis; international aid has correctly been denied to this recognized terrorist organization. Concerned Canadians should be looking to offer humanitarian help to the Palestinians, not to punish Israelis. Why would CUPE Ontario fail to use its voice in a constructive way?
* CUPE Ontario's resolution calls for the unlimited return of refugees to Israel. It is well recognized that this approach would spell the end of a Jewish state. Why is CUPE Ontario adopting this extreme position ?
The most striking feature of the CJC alert is that it completely avoids any mention of the question of apartheid. The word itself does not appear at all in the entire statement. This is a most remarkable omission and can only be considered deliberate given that the main thrust of the CUPE Ontario decision (see below) is the comparison with South African apartheid. Indeed, the first item of the CUPE resolution is to conduct an "education campaign about the apartheid nature of the Israeli state". Only one conclusion can be drawn from this omission: the CJC is neither able nor willing to argue against the charge of Israeli apartheid.
The three points raised by the CJC confirm this conclusion. While the CJC praises Israeli "disengagement", this so-called concession is widely accepted as the final step in the construction of an apartheid solution. Apartheid-era South Africa placed the black population into territorially disconnected areas called Bantustans. Bantustans appeared to give blacks control over their own municipal affairs while denying them self-determination and any real or effective control of their lives. Movement in and out of the Bantustans was controlled by permits and pass cards. Economic control remained in the hands of the white apartheid state. This is precisely the situation that 'disengagement' is meant to formalize in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
All informed commentators agree that Olmert's disengagement plan is aimed at leaving the major settlement blocs in the West Bank intact. Olmert himself touts this as the major plank of his plan. The aim is to win international acceptance for Palestinian Bantustans - the Palestinian population crowded into isolated and divided cantons separated by settlements, Israeli-only roads and military checkpoints. This is not a new strategy; it has been the clear intention of Israeli leaders since the occupation of these areas in 1967.
The current situation in the Gaza Strip is a powerful illustration of this apartheid reality. Israel completely controls the economy and borders of this tiny area that constitutes the most densely populated place on earth. Israeli missiles can be dropped on Gaza day and night, with the population starved from all work, outside supplies and possibility of travel. This is what 'disengagement' portends for the West Bank.
Precisely because Israel controls all flows of funds, people and goods into the isolated Palestinian Bantustans the CJC is able to champion the severing of aid to the Palestinian Authority. In the last month, this has led to deaths of at least four hospitalized Palestinians who were unable to obtain dialysis treatment due to Israeli control of what goes in and out of Palestinian areas. A few weeks ago, Palestinian prison guards were forced to appeal to relatives of inmates to provide food because there was not enough to feed prisoners. Enforced mass starvation of a civilian population is quite simply a war crime. An important statement signed two weeks ago by every major Palestinian organization in Canada put it this way: Palestinian right to life should not be conditional on acquiescence to Israeli apartheid.
Finally, the third CJC talking point reveals the crux of the debate. The CJC states that the right of return of Palestinian refugees "would spell the end of a Jewish state." Israeli apartheid is founded upon the notion of an exclusively Jewish state that denies equal rights to everyone else. In 1948, 80% of the indigenous Palestinian population were driven from their homes and land and became refugees. The Israeli state guarantees any person of a Jewish background, anywhere in the world, the right to become a citizen of Israel yet the indigenous population is refused their right to return. The right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and land is not simply a legal question (although it is guaranteed under international law). Most significantly, it points to the fact that we should oppose any state that operates on the basis of one religious or ethnic exlusivity. The central goal of the anti-apartheid struggle is a state in which anyone can live, regardless of their religious or ethnic background. This unquestionably means the right of return of Palestinian refugees to their homes and lands from which they were expelled in 1948.
Jonathan Cook, an outstanding journalist for the British newspaper, The Guardian, recently discussed how Olmert's disengagement plan confirms the basic premise of the current anti-apartheid struggle:
"Olmert outlined to Israel's Haaretz newspaper the most serious issue facing Israel. It was, he said, the problem of how, when the Palestinians were on the eve of becoming a majority in the region, to prevent them from launching a struggle similar to the one against apartheid waged by black South Africans. Olmert's concern was that, if the Palestinian majority renounced violence and began to fight for 'one- person, one-vote', Israel would be faced by "a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle -- and ultimately a much more powerful one". Palestinian peaceful resistance, therefore, had to be pre-empted by Israel. The logic of Olmert's solution, as he explained it then, sounds very much like the reasoning behind disengagement and now convergence: " formula for the parameters of a unilateral solution are: to maximise the number of Jews; to minimise the number of Palestinians". Or, as he put it last week, "division of the land, with the goal of ensuring a Jewish majority, is Zionism's lifeline"."
Both the CUPE Ontario and NATFHE resolutions are big steps forward in the struggle against Israeli apartheid. They confirm that recognition of Israel as an apartheid state is now approaching a stage of popular acceptance. This victory was not achieved overnight but is the culmination of the work of many activists worldwide who have persevered with the ongoing tasks of leafleting, postering, teach-ins, demonstrations and many other activities. Most of all, it is testament to the unbelievable endurance of the Palestinian people on the ground in Palestine and in refugee camps throughout the region. Our challenge is to continue to deepen the confidence among wider layers of the population in Canada and elsewhere in arguing for and becoming active in the struggle against Israeli apartheid. The resolutions of the last week have made this task much easier.
*Adam Hanieh is co-author of Stolen Youth: The Politics of Israel's Detention of Palestinian Children (Pluto)
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